Mao Kobayashi

Mao Kobayashi (小林 麻央, Kobayashi Mao?), née le à Ojiya et morte le 22 juin 2017 à Meguro (Tokyo), est une actrice et présentatrice japonaise.

Mao Kobayashi est née en 1982 à Ojiya dans la préfecture de Niigata insulated water bottle. Alors qu’elle est encore étudiante à l’université, elle commence à attirer l’attention de la télévision japonaise, et devient d’octobre 2003 à septembre 2006, présentatrice météo pour Fuji Television. En 2005, elle est diplomée de l’université Sophia, puis devient présentatrice pour Nippon Television à partir d’octobre 2006. Sur cette période, elle est actrice de plusieurs séries télévisées drama, et quelques films

Elle rencontre l’acteur de Kabuki Ichikawa Ebizō XI lors d’une interview. Leurs fiançailles sont rendues publique fin 2009 et leur mariage a lieu le 29 juillet 2010.

Après son mariage, Mao arrête sa carrière télévisuelle pour se consacrer à sa famille. Elle a une fille en 2011, suivie d’un garçon en 2013.

En , suite aux révélations d’un tabloïd, son mari tient une conférence de presse pour annoncer qu’elle est touchée par un cancer du sein, diagnostiqué depuis octobre 2014 et tenu secret jusqu’à ce moment. Le cancer est devenu métastatique et touche ses os et ses poumons.

Elle commence à tenir un blog, , pour parler de sa maladie et de comment elle la gère, qui devient rapidement extrêmement populaire. Le succès de celui-ci incite la BBC à l’inclure dans sa liste .

Le , elle meurt des suites de sa maladie running fanny pack water bottle, un mois avant son 35e anniversaire bottled water in glass.

Essie Harrison

Estelle Ava „Essie“ Harrison is a fictional character from the BBC medical drama Holby City, played by actor Kaye Wragg ways to tenderise meat. She first appeared in the series sixteen episode „My Name Is Joe“, broadcast on 6 May 2014. Essie arrives at Holby City employed as an agency nurse working on the hospital’s ED, AAU and Keller wards. She is characterised as an opinionated nurse who is not afraid to challenge the healthcare system. She is also played as a warm person who makes a good friend for fellow characters and strives to provide excellent patient care. Her introduction to the show was controversial and featured the discovery that her grandfather Joe Goodridge (Julian Glover) was an escaped Nazi war criminal. Essie’s main storylines have been centric to her relationship with registrar Sacha Levy (Bob Barrett). The show’s producer Simon Harper was fond of the pairing but tasked his writing team to prolong a „will they / won’t they?‘ dynamic“ between them. Their romance is over-shadowed because Sacha and his family are Jewish and they struggle to accept her due to Joe’s actions. Her need to have a child of her own also causes problems. Essie later secures a new role within the hospital as transplant coordinator.

Wragg’s casting was publicised on 24 February 2014. Wragg decided to accept the role because she liked Essie’s introduction into the series. The character made her on-screen debut during the series sixteen episode „My Name Is Joe“, which was broadcast on 6 May 2014. Wragg was originally employed by the show as a recurring cast member but was later invited back to play the role on a permanent basis.

Essie is characterised as warm nurse with a rebellious side and is not afraid to challenge the healthcare system. She makes a great friend for other characters and a writer from BBC Online branded her „a rock“. She is an independent female with „spontaneous, emboldening and fun“ characteristics. Wragg has labelled Essie as having „a big heart“ and being „fantastic“ at her nursing job. The actress told Hannah Verdier from „TV Magazine“ that she was enjoying playing the character. She explained that „Estelle’s brilliant at her job and she’s trying to get on with it, but now she’s starting to question herself. She seems really sorted and then all these cracks appear, which makes her great to play.“ Essie is an opinionated character and does not shy away from voicing them in medical scenarios. Holby City writers clearly demonstrate this when she is played getting herself into trouble with hospital management for interfering with a high-profile patient’s choice of surgery.

Essie is introduced into the show as the granddaughter of sick patient Joe Goodridge (Julian Glover). Wragg was happy that her character’s arrival was not linked to nursing. While Joe is being treated on the ward junior doctor Zosia March (Camilla Arfwedson) becomes suspicious of his role in World War II and makes allegations against him. Zosia wants to discover the truth and prevents Joe from signing a form instructing doctors not to revive him. Essie notices the tension between the two but is relieved when Joe is revived. It is then revealed that he is an escaped Nazi war criminal which shocks Essie because she was completely unaware. Wragg told Katy Moon from Inside Soap that Essie and Joe’s storyline was unusual and this attracted her to take the role. The story held consequences for Essie as she is forced to deal with the reality of her grandfather’s past runners pouch. Wragg explained „what you find out about Joe is very dramatic, and there are lots of layers for Essie to unravel.“ Essie was raised by Joe, so she considers him to be her hero and the revelation throws „Essie’s world into complete disarray“.

Holby City Producer Simon Harper personally decided to create the storyline because he had a European upbringing and studied the Holocaust extensively. He was particularly interested in stories of escaped war criminals and he believed it was inevitable that he would cover the subject during his career. Harper explained to a representative of the Holocaust Educational Trust, that Holby City thrives from stories of character’s professional ethics being challenged by their personal demons. He noted that Joe’s story worked well against pitted Jewish registrar Sacha Levy (Bob Barrett) having to treat a patient pretending to be „a sweet old man“ despite him helping to kill Jews in World War II. The production team was also keen to portray antisemitism in the spotlight. Harper added Kate Verghese, the story producer, pitched the idea of a Jewish doctor being conflicted by a Nazi. Holocaust survivor Kitty Hart-Moxon visited the set to talk to cast and crew of the storyline’s importance.

The storyline concluded on-screen as Sacha decided to cancel surgery on Joe because of his Jewish background, despite medical professionals being required to treat all patients equally regardless of their views. Joe’s final scenes see Essie and Sacha witness him voicing hateful opninions about the Jewish community. Harper explained that a „final act of repentance“ for the character would have been insulting to survivors. Essie is then offered a job at Holby City hospital and she develops a friendship with colleague Sacha. Wragg described their interactions as „lovely“ and warned their „spark“ could develop into a romance. Rosa Doherty from The Jewish Community said that it was an „unlikely bond“ under the circumstances with her grandfather. But they added that the storyline had viewers „gripped“ to the show. Essie begins working on the AAU ward insulated water bottle. But the newspapers become aware of her situation and run the story. A writer for What’s on TV stated that „Essie is plagued with guilt over Josef’s past“. Sacha decides to take Essie to Wales to escape the negative press attention. Sacha’s Jewish mother Esther Levy (Frances Cuka) is furious and orders Sacha to stop seeing Essie.

When Wragg finished filming her original stint on Holby City, producers discussed the possibility of a future return. In October 2014, it was announced that Wragg had been asked to return to the show on a permanent basis. Daniel Kilkelly of Digital Spy reported that Essie would resume her nursing duties at the hospital and her relationship with Sacha. Of her return Wragg stated: „Essie is a such a layered character that I can’t wait to see how things unfold once I return. She’s a fantastic nurse with a big heart, but a broken life that leaves her unsure of who she is and where she’s going. I adore working with Bob Barrett and am very excited to work alongside his big hearted Sacha again, ups and downs regardless. Essie returned to the show during the series seventeen episode titled „Squeeze the Pips“ (7 April 2015). Essie’s independent nature is sometimes a problem for Sacha because he likes to feel depended upon. Her „slatternly domestic ways“ annoy him because it reminds him of his daughters. A BBC Online reporter also revealed that Essie secretly struggles to deal with Sacha’s two demanding ex-wives and children.

When she returns Essie reveals that she slept with another man and Sacha no longer wants to be with her. Essie decides to convince Sacha they should be together. Wragg believed that Essie really loves Sacha and she makes him realise that they want the same things out of life, to be „settled and happy“. Essie later secures a job as the hospital’s new Transplant coordinator. The duo’s relationship faces fresh problems when Sacha wants Essie to meet his children. She confides in friend and colleague Dominic Copeland (David Ames) that she is not ready. Essie is convinced that Sacha’s Jewish family will not accept her because of her grandfather’s past. Barrett told Katy Moon from Inside Soap that Sacha underestimates the situation when he asks her. He also does not consider how his relationship may effect his family. The actor added that Sacha needs to stop being possessive and give Essie some space. Sacha’s Wragg told a What’s on TV reporter that Essie knows it will be inevitable that Sacha’s children will be a part of her life but she is not ready. She is enjoying having Sacha to herself in the early stages of their romance. The actress added „the idea of being the ’stepmum‘ is a bit frightening for her.“ Essie tries to make excuses not to see them and Dominic notices her reluctance and makes it more difficult for her to be dishonest. Essie realises she must tell Sacha the truth. Wragg added „Essie realises the situation isn’t going to go away. She just wanted to enjoy being in love for a bit longer before the reality of family life kicked in.“ Essie decides to forget her doubts and go ahead with spending time with Sasha’s family.

Months later on-screen Essie’s feelings completely changed and she announces that she wants a baby. A What’s on TV reporter said the development left Sacha „stunned“. Wragg told Laura-Jayne Tyler of Inside Soap that the realisation was unexpected for Essie, but she is of the age and she realises the joy having children creates for women. The actress added that Essie is „madly in love with Sacha“ and the physical need for a child takes over. Sasha had already been married twice and shares children with both ex-partners. Wragg believed Sacha has „the best of both worlds“ and does not want to ruin his „fantastic“ relationship with Essie. In an interview with Daniel Kilkelly of Digital Spy (October 2015), producer Simon Harper declared of his love for the pairing, but warned of his intention to develop the „will they / won’t they?‘ dynamic“ further. He explained that writers had planned „big questions“ for them to face. The first questioning whether or not Essie has left having children too late in her life. The second being whether Sacha’s family will ultimately be able to accept Essie goalie gloves for sale.

Tyler (Inside Soap) wrote that she and audiences „were thrilled“ that Essie returned to the series. She noted that Essie and Sasha had a turbulent relationship, adding „it’s not always been plain sailing for the pair.“ A writer from What’s on TV similarly stated that „Essie and Sacha’s relationship has certainly had its ups and downs.“

Ana Free

Ana Free, nombre artístico de Ana Gomes Ferreira (Lisboa, 29 de junio de 1987), es una cantante y compositora que tuvo una serie de singles en el Top 5, incluyendo un número 1, en Portugal. Ana Free es una presencia musical creciente en el popular sitio de intercambio de videos YouTube, teniendo más de 29 millones de visualizaciones de sus videos.

Criada por una madre británica y padre portugués, Ana creció con su hermano mayor en Cascais. Desde muy temprano mostró ser apasionada por escribir poesía e historias y comenzó a escribir y componer a los 10 años de edad. A los 8 años, su padre comenzó a enseñarle a tocar en una pequeña guitarra que pertenecía a su hermano mayor. Durante los últimos 16 años, Ana Free tocó guitarra fluentemente y acumuló más de 300 composiciones originales. Ana tuvo clases de piano durante 3 años en su temprana adolescencia pero desistió por sentir que no podía tocar lo que gustaba. Fue también apasionada por el baile y participó en aulas de jazz, ballet y zapateado mientras crecía. Durante su infancia real football jerseys, estudió en la St.Julians International School en Carcavelos, donde adquirió su acento característico.

Ana fue muy influenciada musicalmente por las músicas que su padre acostumbraba tocar para ella cuando era niña. Creció oyendo artistas como Eric Clapton, The Beatles, Bob Marley, Carlos Santana, Sam Cooke, Joni Mitchell y Sheryl Crow. Ella aprendió a tocar inmensas canciones blues en la guitarra, que praticaba con su padre. Cuando era adolescente, acostumbraba pedirle los álbumes de su hermano emprestados e oía artistas como Bryan Adams, Guns’n’Roses, Bon Jovi, Aerosmith y 4 Non Blondes. También era fan de artistas pop muy conocidos como Christina Aguilera, En Vogue, Britney Spears, Destiny’s Child, Spice Girls, e Ace of Base. Entre estes, ahora oye artistas como Pink, John Mayer, Rihanna wholesale socks from china, Katy Perry, Jason Mraz, Pixie Lott, Ellie Goulding, Linkin Park y 30 Seconds To Mars, y tiene fuertes influencias de música portuguesa, griega, española y francesa.

Tuvo su primera actuación en vivo en la televisión en Verano de 2007 en TVI, en Portugal, donde cantó „Crazy“, una canción original. Está actualmente grabando su primer álbum después del éxito de su primer single, que fue lanzado el 23 de mayo de 2008, „In My Place“. La popularidad de esta canción la llevó a estar presente en la banda sonora de series y novelas como Morangos com Açúcar y Podía Acabar o Mundo.

En noviembre de 2008, Ana fue invitada a grabar el tema portugués „Voa Até Ao Teu Coração“ cuando ocurrió el lanzamiento de la película de Disney „Sininho“, para el cual también grabó un videoclip.

En Otoño de 2009, Ana grabó su primer EP „Radian“ en Londres, con 5 temas acústicos/pop, que fueron distribuidos en las tiendas FNAC en Portugal al año siguiente. En Febrero y Marzo de 2010 estrenó este EP a través de actuaciones en Miami y Nueva York. Aún tenía gran protagonismo a través de un concierto al aire libre en Times Square. Las pistas seleccionadas para este álbum corresponden a las canciones más populares en su canal de YouTube.

En mayo de 2010 insulated water bottle, Ana viajó a la ciudad de Nueva York para trabajar con el director de cine británico, productor musical y escritor, Mark Maclaine, con el objetivo de filmar el videoclip „Questions In My Mind“, el primer single del EP „Radian“. También viajó a Portugal para grabar un videoclip con la banda portuguesa Hands On Approach, con quien grabó vocales en la canción “Black Tears”, del álbum „High And Above“.

Ana con frecuencia realiza giras por Portugal, y, ocasionalmente, en Londres y Nueva York, y sus actuaciones son grabadas por amigos y enviadas para sus blogs y websites. Ana abrió el palco para el cantante/compositor británico James Morrison en verano de 2010 y, en noviembre, abrió el espectáculo de Shakira, momento que Ana considera ser de los más especiales y determinantes de su carrera. Más tarde, fue la única artista femenina en abrir el palco al cantante Joe Brooks en su concierto por Reino Unido. Algunas de sus canciones más populares, con más de un millón de visualizaciones cada, incluyen covers de Nickelback, „Savin‘ Me“, el éxito de los The Rolling Stones, „Angie“, y el tema del Campeonato del Mundo de 2010 „Waka Waka (This Time for Africa)“ de Shakira.

En 2012, se encuentra viviendo y grabando en el Reino Unido y terminó en 2008, con mención de honor, la licenciatura en Economía en la Universidad de Kent. Ana desarrolló una afición por temas como „Comercio Internacional“ y „Teoría de Juegos“ y decidió escribir su disertación bajo el título „¿Cuál es el impacto de la tecnología en la estructura de los principales sellos discográficos (entre 1995 y 2005)?“, en la que recibió una distinción. En un momento en que su popularidad en línea comenzó a crecer en línea, Ana se acercó a varias compañías discográficas que querían contratarla, pero no se materializó en el momento debido a su deseo de terminar la universidad antes de tomar una decisión tan grande. Además de ser fluida en inglés (su idioma madre) y portugués, Ana también habla español, francés y griego paul frank caps.

Ana ha contribuido a una variedad de causas caritativas, incluyendo dar el nombre por la en 2009, como embajador de la sensibilización para el cáncer cervical. En 2010, la Make A Wish Foundation trabajó con Ana para satisfacer los deseos de una joven fan adolescente que sufre de fibrosis quística, invitándola a ella y a su familia a pasar 5 días en Londres, donde estuvo acompañada por Ana en el estudio y en el London Eye, y asistió al concierto sold-out en el club „The Barfly“.

Appropriate technology

Appropriate technology is an ideological movement (and its manifestations) encompassing technological choice and application that is small-scale, decentralized, labor-intensive, energy-efficient, environmentally sound, and locally autonomous. It was originally articulated as intermediate technology by the economist Dr. Ernst Friedrich „Fritz“ Schumacher in his work Small is Beautiful. Both Schumacher and many modern-day proponents of appropriate technology also emphasize the technology as people-centered.

Appropriate technology has been used to address issues in a wide range of fields. Well-known examples of appropriate technology applications include: bike- and hand-powered water pumps (and other self-powered equipment), the universal nut sheller, self-contained solar lamps and streetlights, and passive solar building designs. Today appropriate technology is often developed using open source principles, which have led to open-source appropriate technology (OSAT) and thus many of the plans of the technology can be freely found on the Internet. OSAT has been proposed as a new model of enabling innovation for sustainable development.

Appropriate technology is most commonly discussed in its relationship to economic development and as an alternative to technology transfer of more capital-intensive technology from industrialized nations to developing countries. However, appropriate technology movements can be found in both developing and developed countries. In developed countries, the appropriate technology movement grew out of the energy crisis of the 1970s and focuses mainly on environmental and sustainability issues. Today the idea is multifaceted; in some contexts, appropriate technology can be described as the simplest level of technology that can achieve the intended purpose, whereas in others, it can refer to engineering that takes adequate consideration of social and environmental ramifications. The facets are connected through robustness and sustainable living.

History of technology, the development over time of systematic techniques for making and doing things. The term technology, a combination of the Greek technē, „art, craft“, with logos, „word, speech“, meant in Greece a discourse on the arts, both fine and applied. When it first appeared in English in the 17th century, it was used to mean a discussion of the applied arts only, and gradually these „arts“ themselves came to be the object of the designation. By the early 20th century, the term embraced a growing range of means, processes, and ideas in addition to tools and machines. By mid-century, technology was defined by such phrases as „the means or activity by which man seeks to change or manipulate his environment.“ Even such broad definitions have been criticized by observers who point out the increasing difficulty of distinguishing between scientific inquiry and technological activity.

A highly compressed account of the history of technology such as this one must adopt a rigorous methodological pattern if it is to do justice to the subject without grossly distorting it one way or another. The plan followed in the present article is primarily chronological, tracing the development of technology through phases that succeed each other in time. Obviously, the division between phases is to a large extent arbitrary. One factor in the weighting has been the enormous acceleration of Western technological development in recent centuries; Eastern technology is considered in this article in the main only as it relates to the development of modern technology.

Indian ideological leader Mahatma Gandhi is often cited as the „father“ of the appropriate technology movement. Though the concept had not been given a name, Gandhi advocated for small, local and predominantly village-based technology to help India’s villages become self-reliant. He disagreed with the idea of technology that benefited a minority of people at the expense of the majority or that put people out of work to increase profit. In 1925 Gandhi founded the All-India Spinners Association and in 1935 he retired from politics to form the All-India Village Industries Association. Both organizations focused on village-based technology similar to the future appropriate technology movement.

China also implemented policies similar to appropriate technology during the reign of Mao Zedong and the following Cultural Revolution. During the Cultural Revolution, development policies based on the idea of „walking on two legs“ advocated the development of both large-scale factories and small-scale village industries.

Despite these early examples, Dr. Ernst Friedrich „Fritz“ Schumacher is credited as the founder of the appropriate technology movement. A well-known economist

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, Schumacher worked for the British National Coal Board for more than 20 years, where he blamed the size of the industry’s operations for its uncaring response to the harm black-lung disease inflicted on the miners. However it was his work with developing countries, such as India and Burma nathan steel water bottle, which helped Schumacher form the underlying principles of appropriate technology.

Schumacher first articulated the idea of „intermediate technology,“ now known as appropriate technology, in a 1962 report to the Indian Planning Commission in which he described India as long in labor and short in capital, calling for an „intermediate industrial technology“ that harnessed India’s labor surplus. Schumacher had been developing the idea of intermediate technology for several years prior to the Planning Commission report. In 1955, following a stint as an economic advisor to the government of Burma, he published the short paper „Economics in a Buddhist Country,“ his first known critique of the effects of Western economics on developing countries. In addition to Buddhism, Schumacher also credited his ideas to Gandhi.

Initially, Schumacher’s ideas were rejected by both the Indian government and leading development economists. Spurred to action over concern the idea of intermediate technology would languish, Schumacher, George McRobie, Mansur Hoda and Julia Porter brought together a group of approximately 20 people to form the Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG) in May 1965. Later that year, a Schumacher article published in the Observer garnered significant attention and support for the group. In 1967, the group published the Tools for Progress: A Guide to Small-scale Equipment for Rural Development and sold 7,000 copies. ITDG also formed panels of experts and practitioners around specific technological needs (such as building construction, energy and water) to develop intermediate technologies to address those needs. At a conference hosted by the ITDG in 1968 the term „intermediate technology“ was discarded in favor of the term „appropriate technology“ used today. Intermediate technology had been criticized as suggesting the technology was inferior to advanced (or high) technology and not including the social and political factors included in the concept put forth by the proponents. In 1973, Schumacher described the concept of appropriate technology to a mass audience in his influential work, Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered.

Between 1966 and 1975 the number of new appropriate technology organizations founded each year was three times greater than the previous nine years. There was also an increase in organizations focusing on applying appropriate technology to the problems of industrialized nations, particularly issues related to energy and the environment. In 1977, the OECD identified in its Appropriate Technology Directory 680 organizations involved in the development and promotion of appropriate technology. By 1980, this number had grown to more than 1,000. International agencies and government departments were also emerging as major innovators in appropriate technology, indicating its progression from a small movement fighting against the established norms to a legitimate technological choice supported by the establishment. For example, the Inter-American Development Bank created a Committee for the Application of Intermediate Technology in 1976 and the World Health Organization established the Appropriate Technology for Health Program in 1977.

Appropriate technology was also increasingly applied in developed countries. For example, the energy crisis of the mid-1970s led to the creation of the National Center for Appropriate Technology (NCAT) in 1977 with an initial appropriation of 3 million dollars from the U.S. Congress. The Center sponsored appropriate technology demonstrations to „help low-income communities find better ways to do things that will improve the quality of life, and that will be doable with the skills and resources at hand.“ However, by 1981 the NCAT’s funding agency, Community Services Administration, had been abolished. For several decades NCAT worked with the US departments of Energy and Agriculture on contract to develop appropriate technology programs. Since 2005, NCAT’s informational web site is no longer funded by the US government.

In more recent years, the appropriate technology movement has continued to decline in prominence. Germany’s German Appropriate Technology Exchange (GATE) and Holland’s Technology Transfer for Development (TOOL) are examples of organizations no longer in operation. Recently, a study looked at the continued barriers to AT deployment despite the relatively low cost of transferring information in the internet age. The barriers have been identified as: AT seen as inferior or „poor person’s“ technology, technical transferability and robustness of AT, insufficient funding, weak institutional support, and the challenges of distance and time in tackling rural poverty.

A more free market-centric view has also begun to dominate the field. For example, Paul Polak, founder of International Development Enterprises (an organization that designs and manufactures products that follow the ideals of appropriate technology), declared appropriate technology dead in a 2010 blog post.

Polak argues the „design for the other 90 percent“ movement has replaced appropriate technology. Growing out of the appropriate technology movement, designing for the other 90 percent advocates the creation of low-cost solutions for the 5.8 billion of the world’s 6.8 billion population „who have little or no access to most of the products and services many of us take for granted.“

Many of the ideas integral to appropriate technology can now be found in the increasingly popular „sustainable development“ movement, which among many tenets advocates technological choice that meets human needs while preserving the environment for future generations. In 1983, the OECD published the results of an extensive survey of appropriate technology organizations titled, The World of Appropriate Technology, in which it defined appropriate technology as characterized by „low investment cost per work-place, low capital investment per unit of output, organizational simplicity, high adaptability to a particular social or cultural environment, sparing use of natural resources, low cost of final product or high potential for employment.“ Today, the OECD web site redirects from the „Glossary of Statistical Terms“ entry on „appropriate technology“ to „environmentally sound technologies.“ The United Nations‘ „Index to Economic and Social Development“ also redirects from the „appropriate technology“ entry to „sustainable development.“

Despite the decline, several appropriate technology organizations are still in existence, including the ITDG which became Practical Action after a name change in 2005. (Schwierzerische Kontaktstelle für Angepasste Technology) adapted by becoming a private consultancy in 1998, though some Intermediate Technology activities are continued by through the . Another actor still very active is the charity . Pioneer in food transformation and solar heaters, it offers vocational training in West Africa and Madagascar. There is also currently a notable resurgence as viewed by the number of groups adopting open source appropriate technology (OSAT) because of the enabling technology of the Internet. These OSAT groups include: AKVO, Appropedia, Appropriate Technology Collaborative, Catalytic Communities, Centre for Alternative Technology, Center For Development Alternatives, Engineers Without Borders, Open Source Ecology, Practical Action, and Village Earth. Most recently ASME, Engineers Without Borders(USA) and the IEEE have joined together to produce Engineering for Change, which facilitates the development of affordable, locally appropriate and sustainable solutions to the most pressing humanitarian challenges.

Appropriate technology frequently serves as an umbrella term for a variety names for this type of technology. Frequently these terms are used interchangeably; however, the use of one term over another can indicate the specific focus, bias or agenda of the technological choice in question. Though the original name for the concept now known as appropriate technology, „intermediate technology“ is now often considered a subset of appropriate technology that focuses on technology that is more productive than „inefficient“ traditional technologies, but less costly than the technology of industrialized societies. Other types of technology under the appropriate technology umbrella include:

A variety of competing definitions exist in academic literature and organization and government policy papers for each of these terms. However, the general consensus is appropriate technology encompasses the ideas represented by the above list. Furthermore, the use of one term over another in referring to an appropriate technology can indicate ideological bias or emphasis on particular economic or social variables. Some terms inherently emphasize the importance of increased employment and labor utilization (such as labor-intensive or capital-saving technology), while others may emphasize the importance of human development (such as self-help and people’s technology).

It is also possible to distinguish between hard and soft technologies. According to Dr. Maurice Albertson and Audrey Faulkner, appropriate hard technology is „engineering techniques, physical structures, and machinery that meet a need defined by a community, and utilize the material at hand or readily available. It can be built, operated and maintained by the local people with very limited outside assistance (e.g., technical, material, or financial). it is usually related to an economic goal.“

Albertson and Faulkner consider appropriate soft technology as technology that deals with „the social structures, human interactive processes, and motivation techniques. It is the structure and process for social participation and action by individuals and groups in analyzing situations, making choices and engaging in choice-implementing behaviors that bring about change.“

Some of the well known practitioners of the appropriate technology-sector include: B.V insulated water bottle. Doshi, Buckminster Fuller, William Moyer (1933–2002), Amory Lovins, Sanoussi Diakité, Albert Bates, Victor Papanek, Giorgio Ceragioli (1930–2008), Frithjof Bergmann, Arne Næss (1912–2009) and Mansur Hoda, Laurie Baker.

Schumacher’s initial concept of intermediate technology was created as a critique of the currently prevailing development strategies which focused on maximizing aggregate economic growth through increases to overall measurements of a country’s economy, such as gross domestic product (GDP). Developed countries became aware of the situation of developing countries during and in the years following World War II. Based on the continuing rise in income levels in Western countries since the Industrial Revolution, developed countries embarked on a campaign of massive transfers of capital and technology to developing countries in order to force a rapid industrialization intended to result in an economic „take-off“ in the developing countries.

However, by the late 1960s it was becoming clear this development method had not worked as expected and a growing number of development experts and national policy makers were recognizing it as a potential cause of increasing poverty and income inequality in developing countries. In many countries, this influx of technology had increased the overall economic capacity of the country. However, it had created a dual or two-tiered economy with pronounced division between the classes. The foreign technology imports were only benefiting a small minority of urban elites. This was also increasing urbanization with the rural poor moving to urban cities in hope of more financial opportunities. The increased strain on urban infrastructures and public services led to „increasing squalor, severe impacts on public health and distortions in the social structure.“

Appropriate technology was meant to address four problems: extreme poverty, starvation, unemployment and urban migration. Schumacher saw the main purpose for economic development programs was the eradication of extreme poverty and he saw a clear connection between mass unemployment and extreme poverty. Schumacher sought to shift development efforts from a bias towards urban areas and on increasing the output per laborer to focusing on rural areas (where a majority of the population still lived) and on increasing employment.

The term appropriate technology is also used in developed nations to describe the use of technology and engineering that result in less negative impacts on the environment and society, i.e., technology should be both environmentally sustainable and socially appropriate. E. F. Schumacher asserts that such technology, described in the book Small is Beautiful tends to promote values such as health, beauty and permanence, in that order.

Often the type of appropriate technology that is used in developed countries is „appropriate and sustainable technology“ (AST), appropriate technology that, besides being functional and relatively cheap (though often more expensive than true AT), is durable and employs renewable resources. AT does not include this (see Sustainable design).

In order to increase the efficiency of a great number of city services (efficient water provisioning, efficient electricity provisioning, easy traffic flow, water drainage, decreased spread of disease with epidemics, …), the city itself must first be built correctly. In the developing world, many cities are expanding rapidly and new ones are being built. Looking into the cities design in advance is a must for every developing nation.

The local context must be considered as, for example, mudbrick may not be durable in a high rainfall area (although a large roof overhang and cement stabilisation can be used to correct for this), and, if the materials are not readily available, the method may be inappropriate. Other forms of natural building may be considered appropriate technology, though in many cases the emphasis is on sustainability and self-sufficiency rather than affordability or suitability. As such, many buildings are also built to function as autonomous buildings (e.g. earthships, …). One example of an organisation that applies appropriate earthbuilding techniques would be Builders Without Borders.

The building structure must also be considered. Cost-effectiveness is an important issue in projects based around appropriate technology, and one of the most efficient designs herein is the public housing approach. This approach lets everyone have their own sleeping/recreation space, yet incorporate communal spaces e.g. mess halls, latrines, public showers, …

In addition, to decrease costs of operation (heating, cooling, …) techniques as Earth sheltering, Trombe walls, … are often incorporated.

Organizations as Architecture for Humanity also follows principles consistent with appropriate technology, aiming to serve the needs of poor and disaster-affected people.

Appropriate technology has been applied extensively to improve agricultural production in developing countries. In the United States, the National Center for Appropriate Technology operates ATTRA (, a national sustainable agriculture assistance program.

As of 2006, waterborne diseases are estimated to cause 1.8 million deaths each year while about 1.1 billion people lack proper drinking water.

Water generally needs treatment before use, depending on the source and the intended use (with high standards required for drinking water). The quality of water from household connections and community water points in low-income countries is not reliably safe for direct human consumption. Water extracted directly from surface waters and open hand-dug shallow wells nearly always requires treatment.

Appropriate technology options in water treatment include both community-scale and household-scale point-of-use (POU) designs.

The most reliable way to kill microbial pathogenic agents is to heat water to a rolling boil. Other techniques, such as varying forms of filtration, chemical disinfection, and exposure to ultraviolet radiation (including solar UV) have been demonstrated in an array of randomized control trials to significantly reduce levels of waterborne disease among users in low-income countries.

Over the past decade, an increasing number of field-based studies have been undertaken to determine the success of POU measures in reducing waterborne disease. The ability of POU options to reduce disease is a function of both their ability to remove microbial pathogens if properly applied and such social factors as ease of use and cultural appropriateness. Technologies may generate more (or less) health benefit than their lab-based microbial removal performance would suggest.

The current priority of the proponents of POU treatment is to reach large numbers of low-income households on a sustainable basis. Few POU measures have reached significant scale thus far, but efforts to promote and commercially distribute these products to the world’s poor have only been under way for a few years.

On the other hand, small-scale water treatment is reaching increasing fractions of the population in low-income countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia, in the form of water treatment kiosks (also known as water refill stations or packaged water producers). While quality control and quality assurance in such locations may be variable, sophisticated technology (such as multi-stage particle filtration, UV irradiation, ozonation, and membrane filtration) is applied with increasing frequency. Such microenterprises are able to vend water at extremely low prices, with increasing government regulation. Initial assessments of vended water quality are encouraging.

Whether applied at the household or community level, some examples of specific treatment processes include:

Some appropriate technology water supply measures include:

Poor sanitation is a major issue for a large proportion of the human population, with about 2.5 billion people lacking even the most basic forms of sanitation and more than a billion people worldwide practising open defecation in 2015 according to the Joint Monitoring Programme for Water Supply and Sanitation of the United Nations.

The ideas of appropriate technology influenced the provision of sanitation systems for many years. However, since about the early 2000s there has been a departure from a focus on simplistic ‚one-size-fits-all‘ sanitation systems. As conditions vary, sanitation systems also need to vary to meet the needs of the users and other stakeholders.

Technologies for sanitation provision, such as toilets, are important but only one piece of the puzzle. Sanitation needs to be regarded as a system that includes technical and non-technical aspects, such as behavior change and management as well as political aspects – the enabling environment. The overall aim should be to achieve a sustainable sanitation system. One option of achieving that aim can be the ecological sanitation approach which focuses on safe reuse of excreta.

It is impossible to name all possible sanitation technologies that may fall under the category of „appropriate technologies“ but some common systems which might be considered to be „appropriate“ include:

The term soft energy technology was coined by Amory Lovins to describe „appropriate“ renewable energy. „Appropriate“ energy technologies are especially suitable for isolated and/or small scale energy needs. Electricity can be provided from:

Some intermediate technologies include:

Finally, urine can also be used as a basis to generate hydrogen (which is an energy carrier). Using urine, hydrogen production is 332% more energy efficient than using water.

Electricity distribution could be improved so to make use of a more structured electricity line arrangement and universal AC power plugs and sockets (e.g. the CEE 7/7 plug). In addition, a universal system of electricity provisioning (e.g. universal voltage, frequency, ampère; e.g. 230 V with 50 Hz), as well as perhaps a better mains power system (e.g. through the use of special systems as perfected single wire earth returns; e.g. Tunisia’s MALT-system, which features low costs and easy placement)

Electricity storage (which is required for autonomous energy systems) can be provided through appropriate technology solutions as deep-cycle and car-batteries (intermediate technology), long duration flywheels, electrochemical capacitors, compressed air energy storage (CAES), liquid nitrogen and pumped hydro. Many solutions for the developing world are sold as a single package, containing a (micro) electricity generation power plant and energy storage. Such packages are called remote-area power supply

Human powered-vehicles include the bicycle (and the future bamboo bicycle), which provides general-purpose transportation at lower costs compared to motorized vehicles, and many advantages over walking, and the whirlwind wheelchair, which provides mobility for disabled people who cannot afford the expensive wheelchairs used in developed countries. Animal powered vehicles/transport may also be another appropriate technology. Certain zero-emissions vehicles may be considered appropriate transportation technology, including compressed air cars, liquid nitrogen and hydrogen-powered vehicles. Also, vehicles with internal combustion engines may be converted to hydrogen or oxyhydrogen combustion.

Bicycles can also be applied to commercial transport of goods to and from remote areas. An example of this is Karaba, a free-trade coffee co-op in Rwanda, which uses 400 modified bicycles to carry hundreds of pounds of coffee beans for processing. Other projects for developing countries include the redesign of cycle rickshaws to convert them to electric power. However recent reports suggest that these rickshaws are not plying on the roads.

According to the Global Health Council, rather than the use of professionally schooled doctors, the training of villagers to remedy most maladies in towns in the developing world is most appropriate. Trained villagers are able to eliminate 80% of the health problems. Small (low-cost) hospitals – based on the model of the Jamkhed hospital – can remedy another 15%, while only 5% will need to go to a larger (more expensive) hospital.

Note that many Appropriate Technologies benefit public health, in particular by providing sanitation and safe drinking water. Refrigeration may also provide a health benefit. (These are discussed in the following paragraphs.) This was too found at the Comprehensive Rural Health Project and the Women Health Volunteers projects in countries as Iran, Iraq and Nepal.

Some proven intensive, low-effort food-production systems include urban gardening (indoors and outdoors).[citation needed] Indoor cultivation may be set up using hydroponics with Grow lights, while outdoor cultivation may be done using permaculture, forest gardening, no-till farming, Do Nothing Farming, etc. In order to better control the irrigation outdoors, special irrigation systems may be created as well (although this increases costs, and may again open the door to cultivating non-indigenous plants; something which is best avoided).[citation needed] One such system for the developing world is discussed here.

Crop production tools are best kept simple (reduces operating difficulty, cost, replacement difficulties and pollution, when compared to motorized equipment). Tools can include scythes, animal-pulled plows (although no-till farming should be preferred), dibbers, wheeled augers (for planting large trees), kirpis, hoes, …

Greenhouses are also sometimes included (see Earthship Biotincture).[citation needed] Sometimes they are also fitted with irrigation systems, and/or heat sink-systems which can respectively irrigate the plants or help to store energy from the sun and redistribute it at night (when the greenhouse starts to cool down).

According to proponents, Appropriate Technologies can greatly reduce the labor required to prepare food, compared to traditional methods, while being much simpler and cheaper than the processing used in Western countries. This reflects E.F. Schumacher’s concept of „intermediate technology,“ i.e. technology which is significantly more effective and expensive than traditional methods, but still an order of magnitude (10 times) cheaper than developed world technology. Key examples are:

Through financial systems envisioned especially for the poor/developed world, many companies have been able to get started with only limited capital. Often banks lend the money to people wishing to start a business (such as with microfinance). In other systems, people for a Rotating Savings and Credit Association or ROSCA to purchase costly material together (such as Tontines and Susu accounts). Organisations, communities, cities or individuals can provide loans to other communities/cities (such as with the approach followed by Kiva, MicroPlace and LETS). Finally, in certain communities (usually isolated communities such as small islands or oases) everything of value is shared. This is called gift economy.

Features such as low cost, low usage of fossil fuels and use of locally available resources can give some advantages in terms of sustainability. For that reason, these technologies are sometimes used and promoted by advocates of sustainability and alternative technology.

Besides using natural, locally available resources (e.g. wood or adobe), waste materials imported from cities using conventional (and inefficient) waste management may be gathered and re-used to build a sustainable living environment. Use of these cities‘ waste material allows the gathering of a huge amount of building material at a low cost. When obtained, the materials may be recycled over and over in the own city/community, using the cradle to cradle design method. Locations where waste can be found include landfills, junkyards, on water surfaces and anywhere around towns or near highways. Organic waste that can be reused to fertilise plants can be found in sewages. Also, town districts and other places (e.g. cemeteries) that are subject of undergoing renovation or removal can be used for gathering materials as stone, concrete, or potassium.

Eriksbergs Mekaniska Verkstad

Eriksbergs Mekaniska Verkstads AB was a Swedish shipbuilding company based in Gothenburg. It was founded in 1850 by Christian Barchman under the name Ericsbergs metall och tackjerns-gjuteri. It delivered its last ship in 1979.

Founded in 1850 by Christian Barchman, the company originally worked with galvanization. The first shipyard wharf was opened in 1871, and two years later they delivered their first ship. In 1876 the company was transformed into a joint-stock company, and so the name was changed to Eriksbergs Mekaniska Werkstads AB. In the beginning of the 1890s, the shipyard was still the smallest of the three wharfs that existed in Gothenburg. Production was based on passenger ships, steam cutters and towboats for Denmark, Norway and Finland, and ferries for Stockholm’s public transportation. In 1915 Eriksberg underwent massive developments to accommodate production of larger ships after a major takeover of the corporation’s stocks by Dan Broström.

Eriksberg underwent similar developments as the other Swedish major shipbuilding companies; Kockums Mekaniska Verkstads AB, AB Götaverken and AB Lindholmens Varv – partly through World War I and the post-war period until 1940; a successive expansion triggered by a shipping boom and in particular by Norwegian and Swedish shipowner’s need of new and bigger ships. In this regard, Eriksberg had an advantage through the direct-ownership by the Broström family (later through their listed mother company Ångfartygsaktiebolaget Tirfing). With a relatively modest share capital (6.5 million SEK) Eriksberg was able to make net profits of 40-50 million SEK every year during the 1940s. The cause for this was an unprecedented profitability during the second world war, repairing war-damaged tonnage and strong demand for replacement tonnage for Swedish and Norwegian shipping companies. This was enhanced by the favourable „wartime windfall taxes“ introduced during the war. Most of these extraordinary profits were reinvested within shipping and industrial investments of the Broström Group, and this contributed to Broström’s becoming the country’s richest group in the beginning of the 1960s.

In the beginning of the 1950s, Eriksberg obtained the rights to manufacture Burmeister & Wains diesel motors, unlike Götaverken who chose to manufacture their own original designs. This involved a certain lead for the production of large tankers, and the size records of ships were being constantly broken. Many thought that the weight limit, 40,000 tonnes deadweight, was reached.

Eriksberg’s financial position was solid, like the other competitors in Sweden. Both Kockums and Götaverken were listed and were independent companies, while Eriksberg and Lindholmen were owned by shipping companies. During the 1950s and the 1960s, Eriksberg was the most profitable shipyard in the country, and to work at ‚Torpet‘ (the name used by the public) was a ’status job‘ in Gothenburg.

The last profitable decade was the 1960s, before competition from the Japanese shipbuilding industry became too fierce. When Norwegian shipping companies discontinued refinancing their vessel purchases in the United States capital market (the Interest Equalization Tax), requirements were put on Swedish wharfs to hand out credits with subsidized interests and conditions, like the Japanese industry. Eriksberg succeeded however, unlike its competitors Götaverken and Kockums, to retain high solvency and go through the last years of the 1960s relatively unhurt. Both Kockums and Götaverken, being public companies, were insolvent and were saved, through a combination of private and state intervention clothes shaver electric. In the case of Götaverken, the Salén Group of Stockholm, assumed ownership for a limited time with the option to regaining its investment from the State.

In the beginning of the 1970s, it became clear to the company’s management that there was only a respite of a few years before the economic resources were exhausted. The rise of wages and salaries, enforced by the trade unions in the beginning of the 1970s, increased the company’s cost by around 25% in the span of only a few years. The Swedish krona with recurring devaluations raised import prices for the wharf. When the Bretton Woods system was abandoned in 1973 and the US dollar became „floating“, it was obvious that the Swedish shipbuilding industry was at the brink of ruin.

For Eriksberg, the 1970s started nevertheless in positive territory. They acquired Lindholmens Mekaniska Verkstad and built the Portuguese wharfs Lisnave and later Setenave, that among other things, delivered the bows for the company’s supertankers (VLCC, ULCC). In 1973 Eriksberg sold their repair business to Götaverken to become pure new building shipyard.

In 1974 the company’s management issued an anticipated warning about the serious state of the company, and the Managing Director Bengt Eneroth resigned after being with the company for 33 years. He had consciously held back new investments in buildings and equipment but the company was still hit. The unfavorable refinancing in foreign currencies created huge losses, as for the other wharfs, by the major problem were the customers, the shipping companies, canceling contracts and amortizations.

The situation, however, was not handled well by the new company management from AB Tirfing, the owners, and they were eventually forced to sell Eriksberg for a symbolic 1000 krona and sign two very expensive ship building contracts with the new owners, now the soon defunct Götaverken Group. In the long run insulated water bottle, this meant a coup de grace for Broströmkoncernen and Tirfing, which were listed on the Stockholm stock exchange. This also meant the end of the once fortunate and rich Broström Group

The obstinate attitude of the trade-unions and the socialist government to not lose a single job of the shipbuilders, proved to be a ticking bomb that in the end led to the death of the shipbuilding industry in Sweden. But this would take another 10 years.

The government’s irresponsible economic policies, driven by the Social Democratic governments hydration running backpack, in tandem with the metalworkers union, alongside the devaluations of the Swedish Krona that made imports expensive, unreasonable wage increases eaten up by progressive taxes and an inconsistent currency regulation, which made it impossible to match the Krona with the credit commitments in US dollar, brought the shipbuilding industry to an end. The total cost for the State of shutting down this industry has been estimated to 39 billion Kronor ( 1986).

At this point, Eriksberg Mekaniska Verkstad had 6000 employees. Despite the example of Eriksberg, it was not taken seriously and so investments at Götaverken and Uddevallavarvet was not questioned. Billions were lost because of over optimistic wharf directors. Eriksberg became a sister company of Götaverken, before both became part of Svenska Varv, which was run by the government, in 1978. During 1978-79 all activities were successfully terminated at Eriksberg, and on 15 June 1979 the shipyards last vessel, a product tanker M/T Atland was delivered to Broströms, that was already on the brink of bankruptcy. Just about a year before the shut down Erikbergs Mekaniska Verkstad had delivered the ULCC:s ‚Nai Superba‘ and ‚Nai Genova‘ at about 460 000 dwt each! The greatest ships ever built in Gothenburg as well as they were among the last. The Nai-ships were demolished in year 2000-2001.

Today, all that remains of EMV is an 84m high, orange gantry crane and two workshop halls; the engine workshop ‚Blå Hallen‘ boys goalkeeper gloves, today hosting a hotel and conference facility, and the former workshop ‚Eriksbergshallen‘ with the text ‚Eriksbergs Mek. Verkstads AB Shipbuilders Engineers & Repairers‘ still painted on the facade. Along the former equipping quays are now blocks of fancy condos and boutiques.

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